» posted on Monday, October 26th, 2009 at 7:21 am by admin
Church Erred in Hosting Ethnic Caucus
Post by Jesse Masai
I read a story appearing in today’s Daily Nation with great dismay.
In the piece, a new council of elders for the Kalenjin community had been assembled at the Reformed Church of East Africa’s conference center in Eldoret.
But I must, first of all declare my interest in this subject.
My father is an ordained minister with the RCEA, and has served with it in various parts of Kenya since the mid 1970s.
Am also as Kalenjin as anything else I might be, owing to my blurred ethnic heritage and command of some Kalenjin dialects.
I grew up in the RCEA, and remain committed to its confession of the Christian faith, even when am part of faith communities outside the North Rift, where the Church’s presence is strong.
In the late 80s and early 90s, I attended RCEA’s youth conferences, including one at which the late Bishop Alexander Muge challenged us to review our cozy relationship with the repressive Moi state.
And when I came to faith in August 1992, it was not difficult for me finding resonance with John Calvin – the Church’s forerunner – and Abraham Kuyper, a fitting intellectual descendant, on Church-state relations, among other issues.
Yet I remained surprised at the RCEA’s ambivalence on the pressing issues of the 90s, particularly the ethnic cleansing that would follow remarks and actions by some of the high and mighty in the Moi state.
The prolonged domination of vital positions in the Church’s leadership by the Kalenjin community then, as in the first Kibaki state, would be seen as key to understanding the RCEA’s shaky prophetic witness under both regimes.
When the RCEA, under the National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK), acquiesced to the excesses of the Kibaki state prior to the disputed 2007 polls, few were surprised.
As an aspirant for the Cherangany parliamentary seat in the polls, I followed the Church’s reaction after the polls with even greater interest.
At the height of the post-election violence, the Church’s leadership – including my father – met in Eldoret to determine a united response: predictably, the meeting resulted in an ODM vs PNU and Kalenjin vs the rest retreat.
When, after 2007, the NCCK apologized for having failed the nation, I was among those who thought my own RCEA had also seen some light.
But apparently the celebration was premature, for their decision to host an ethnic caucus barely 24 months after the nation’s ethnic bloodbath smirks of nothing close to repentance.
Councils of elders of the kind the Kalenjin have assembled, as indeed other communities also are putting together, are no way to heal this nation.
I witnessed the truism of this in the 2007 campaigns, when in the multi-ethnic Cherangany various councils would be bought off day and night by the over 10 contestants.
I was, therefore, not surprised when houses began going up in smoke and people maimed, killed or evicted when competing ethnic interests felt betrayed by the overall poll outcome.
Even in areas where it was believed the violence had not been spontaneous, the organizing for power around ethnic identity was still pretty much the staple food.
In the weeks and months following the fall-outs between Prime Minister Raila Odinga and Agriculture Minister William Ruto in the ODM power-games, preliminary indications are that ethnic polarization in relation to the Kalenjin community have increased, not waned.
It’s not for nothing, therefore, that reports have recently emerged about various individuals and communities arming themselves ahead of the 2012 polls, whose violence is in some quarters expected to make the 2007 one appear like a Sunday school picnic.
While ethnic chauvinists across the political divide are busy romancing their final solutions and post-2012 power structures, the sober-minded among us remain concerned about prospects not just for the region but also the country.
From where I sit, one would expect a Church headquartered in such a region to be alive to these realities.
From where I sit, one would expect a Church headquartered in such a region to know that when tribe replaces party and common charity as a tool for political mobilization, then our road back to 2007 becomes very short indeed.
From where I sit, one would also expect a Church headquartered in such a region to know that the use of Church facilities in the manner reported on Monday can be as damning or glorious afterwards depending on the unpredictable political winds of our times, as it was for the Lutheran Church in Nazi Germany.
Make no mistake: Am saying all this for the RCEA, as I would for any denomination or faith community playing lap-dog to the high and mighty of our times.
It is still not too late for the RCEA, as indeed every other person of goodwill, to re-discover the transformative power in becoming the moral conscience of this nation.
Jesse Masai is the President and CEO of Jesse Masai. http://www.jesse-masai.com
filed under Uncategorized | one Comment

admin said:
Oct 27, 09 at 1:46 amComment by Dr. Stuart Fowler.
Jesse, as one who regards himself as heir to Abraham Kuyper, I can only say that world-wide I see a radical shift away from that heritage by church denominations that were established in that tradition. As one who has been in the way of faith for a long time, wirh strong social and political interests, I do not think we can rely on the leaders of church denominations to carry the torch lit by Kuyper. Indeed, he himself, with his teaching of sphere sovereignty, while he called on Christians to make a distinctive contribution to political life, as he did himself, in terms of social organisation saw political life as distinct from ecclesiastical life.
Nevertheless,a church such as RCEA has abandoned its ECCLESIASTICAL tradition by acting as reported. Maybe, the time has come when, as in the Lutheran Church in Nazi Germany, there is a need for those who wish to be faithful in resisting such socially and politically divisive practices, to form another eccelesiatical body such as the Lutheran “Confessing Church”. Ate least one person of that movement, Dietrich Bonhoeffer, paid for his stand against political injustice with his life.
It is not for me to prescribe what others should do, but I do love the people of Kenya and share your concern. I doubt that there was any genuinely spontaneous violence in the 2007 elections by the way. In the run up to it I was in Kenya and could see the beginning of a strategy of ethnic division which inevitably provided ready material to ignite violence
It seems to me that, in the Kuyperian spirit, there is a pressing need for an authentic Christian (non-ecclesiastical) voice that is truly multi-ethnic. This was the intention of Kenyans United for Peace, and I see the need as there still. While there are moral issues, the core issue is political.
Above all, I encourage you to continue your vigilance and associated action as you see fit in your situation. Nothing would be more devastating to me than to see my beloved Kenya, which has so much potential, torn apart by ethnic hatreds. I am reminded of Ghandi who, when after independence, violence broke out between Muslim and Hindu communities in India, went a on a fast to the death. When his colleagues and friends came to him saying that he must give up the fast because he was a death’s door said: “I would sooner die than see my beloved nation torn apart in this way”. When the people heard this they took a solemn vow in every mosque and temple throughout India that they would never again resort to such divisive practices. Sometime those who do not share our faith, can outshine us in the very areas where we should be the light of the world.
I would also add that, while the violence was ethnically targeted, it also created a deep fracture in the Kalenjin communities. The elders were generally opposed to violence. The youth, primed with promises by an ambitious politician and contrary to their cultural heritage, resorted to violence when it seemed that the promised “benefits” were slipping away from them.
The Lord be with you.